Last week, the Board of Visitors for the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (WHINSEC) held its mid-year session in Washington, DC. WHINSEC, located at Fort Benning in Columbus, Georgia, is the Defense Department's principal Spanish-language training facility for Latin American military and law-enforcement personnel. WHINSEC took over the School of the Americas, which was legally closed in 2001. Its Board of Visitors, a "federally chartered oversight committee that reports to the Department of Defense and to the U.S. Congress," is charged with reviewing the operations of the institute annually. The Board of Visitors includes "members of the Senate and House Armed Services Committees, representatives from the State Department, U.S. Southern Command, U.S. Northern Command, the U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, and six members designated by the Secretary of Defense."

The members of the Board of Visitors are:

• Chairman, Senate Armed Services Committee, Senator Carl Levin (D-MI)
• Ranking member of the SASC, Senator John McCain (R-AZ), or his designee. McCain designated Sen. Saxby Chambliss (R-GA)
• Chairman, House Armed Services Committee, Rep. Ike Skelton (D-MO), or his designee. Skelton designated Rep. Loretta Sanchez (D-CA)
• Ranking member of the HASC, Rep. Howard McKeon (R-CA) or his designee. McKeon designated Rep. Phil Gingrey (R-GA)
• Secretary of State Hillary Clinton designated Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Christopher McMullen
• Commander, U.S. Southern Command, Gen. Douglas Fraser or his designee
• Commander, U.S. Northern Command, Adm. James Winnefeld, Jr., or his designee
• Commanding General, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, Gen. Martin E. Dempsey
• Rev. Dr. Joan Brown Campbell, Director, Dept. of Religion, Chautauqua Institution
• Dr. Johanna Mendelson Forman, Senior Associate, CSIS Americas program
• Amb. Lino Gutierrez, CEO of Gutierrez Global, LLC
• Amb. Donna Hrinak, Sr. Director for Latin American Govt Affairs, PepsiCo
• Dr. Joseph Palacios, Professor of Sociology and Anthropology, School of Foreign Service, Latin American Studies program, Georgetown University
• Amb. Charles A. Ford

WOLA fellow Lucila Santos and I attended the meeting on Thursday, which was open to the public. A few topics that were discussed at the meeting include:

• The similarities between transnational criminal organizations in Mexico and insurgencies;
• Concerns about civilian police receiving training at WHINSEC, a military institution;
• The problems that would result from releasing the names of WHINSEC students;
• U.S. cooperation with Cuba and Venezuela in Haiti;
• The role of WHINSEC in teaching the importance of imagination and critical thinking.

Here is an overview of the meeting.

Opening Remarks: Ambassador Charles Ford

Ambassador Ford opened the meeting with two reflections about where WHINSEC and the Latin American region fit into the world. First, he noted that it is hard to talk about the Latin American region because all of the countries that make it up are different. And second, he observed that the new threats in the region relate to "rules:" the rule of law, transparency, institutions, etc. According to Ambassador Ford, the struggle today is that some people prefer the "chaos and the darkness" instead of the rules.

Colonel Felix Santiago, Commandant of WHINSEC

Colonel Felix Santiago was the first to present at the meeting. His presentation emphasized that "change is constant," and therefore WHINSEC "transforms in line with the Department of Defense's strategic vision to build partner capabilities."

During the question and answer period, Colonel Santiago was asked about the challenges of and opportunities for having more interagency operations that would include not only DoD, but the Department of State, USAID and the DEA, among others. Colonel Santiago responded that it would be a "very unique and powerful opportunity" for different agencies to come together at the training level, and it would be something to "pursue aggressively."

Dr. Palacios, a professor at Georgetown University, asked Colonel Santiago about the relationship between civilian police and the military at WHINSEC and concerns that emerge from the human rights community about whether distinctions between military and police are made during trainings. Palacios continued to suggest that it would be helpful if WHINSEC issued a statement on the distinct role the institution plays in training both military and police. Colonel Santiago noted that the education provided at WHINSEC is useful to different institutions, and that civilian police understand that their responsibilities and roles are different than those of the military students.

Deputy Commander of U.S. Southern Command, Lt. General Ken Keen

Lt. General Keen focused the majority of his presentation on the U.S. military's response to the disaster in Haiti after the January earthquake and stressed the importance of collaboration among all actors--government, military, NGOs, United Nations, etc--in emergency situations.

Lt. General Keen did note that 25 Latin American countries contributed directly or indirectly to Haiti, and the United States worked with "most" of those countries. For instance, he used Venezuela as an example of a country that approached the United States for help unloading supplies from one of their ships. He said they agreed to help and "sent a photographer down to capture the image."

Lt. General Keen also mentioned that Cuba was very helpful in Haiti, especially by giving the United States overflight rights. One member of the Board of Visitors expressed that it is unfortunate that those doors only open during disasters, and asked Lt. General Keen how the United States can maximize this collaboration not just during emergencies. Keen deferred the question to the State Department representative, Kevin Whitaker, who said disasters are both opportunities for changes and for the new policies of a new administration to be exposed. While he noted that relations are not quite "there yet," he said that "the hand is open."

Commander of U.S. Northern Command, Adm. James Winnefeld, Jr.

Admiral Winnefeld began his remarks by explaining Northcom's two highest priorities: a potential terrorist attack and Mexico. According to the head of Northcom, Mexico is on a "downward slope" in terms of security and prosperity, primarily due to the corrosive influence of criminal institutions in the country. Adm. Winnefeld explained that cartels in Mexico do not only traffic drugs, and these transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) can be compared to insurgencies--they intimidate, buy off, and take care of the population in the areas they control. As a result of these similarities, Adm. Winnefeld said that many of the techniques used to counter an insurgency will be used to combat TCOs in Mexico.

Admiral Winnefeld also compared Mexico to Colombia, which he described as a country that has dealt with its existential threat, and now is merely engaged in a "criminal fight that law enforcement can largely handle." He continued to explain that this is a critical point for Mexico’s future: the situation must change from an existential threat to a criminal problem. This goal requires effective interagency effort, according to Admiral Winnefeld, where governments, non-governmental actors, Northcom and Southcom must work as partners. In this scenario, he believes that WHINSEC provides legitimacy to Mexico’s military to carry out their missions.

In response to Dr. Palacios' question about the need to factor in Mexico's "cultural reality" to the way in which we respond to the violence in Mexico, Adm. Winnefeld said: Certain principles apply that have to be mapped onto the country: people do not like or want what is happening to them, but they are stuck with it until something better comes around. The key is to treat the population as a center of gravity and to provide security so they feel comfortable to come down off the fence, but also they need economic opportunities to come down off that fence.

Adm. Winnefeld was then asked whether the new requirement to release the names of WHINSEC students would have a negative effect on attendance. Adm. Winnefeld answered that he understands the need for transparency, but WHINSEC students trust the United States to protect them. If their names are released, according to Adm. Winnefeld, we are putting them at risk, and if the names are released, there "might not be a course at all." He concluded that if we are going to be transparent, we "should be transparent about the curriculum itself and show people what we are teaching and show that we are doing the right thing."

Commanding General, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, Gen. Martin E. Dempsey

General Dempsey spoke briefly; highlighting the role WHINSEC plays to avoid a "failure of imagination" in dealing with security problems in the region. Colonel Santiago agreed with Gen. Dempsey, noting that imagination can be defined as "mental agility" and the "ability to confront unexpected things." Those present agreed that the education provided at WHINSEC should aim to promote critical thinking and creativity to be able to respond to unexpected and new challenges or threats.

Kevin Whitaker, Director, Office of Andean Affairs, U.S. Department of State

After the lunch break, Kevin Whitaker, Director of the Office of Andean Affairs at the U.S. State Department, gave his presentation. He began by mentioning Secretary of States’ four baskets of priorities for the Western Hemisphere: citizen safety, strengthening democratic institutions and the rule of law, climate change and the environment, and economic development.

Whitaker first mentioned the United States’ role in Bolivia, where the United States has a framework agreement with Bolivia to work in assistance, counternarcotics and trade. He continued to note that U.S.-Bolivia relations are watched by the rest of the region to see how the United States deals with difficult countries.

On Venezuela, Whitaker affirmed that the United States has been working to improve relations with the Bolivarian country, but that the Venezuelan government is not interested in having a better relationship with the United States. Instead, they are satisfied with the current level at which the relationship is right now. The United States, however, continues to promote a dialogue with them about counternarcotics, trade, oil and terrorism. Whitaker mentioned that the United States imports 10% of their oil from Venezuela; even though it is not a crucial amount, it is a significant quantity.

Whitaker then turned to Colombia, with whom the United States has a positive, strategic relation. The relationship will be recalibrated, however. He then mentioned the need to look at the human rights agenda, emphasizing the current scandals surrounding the president’s intelligence agency, DAS, and the false positives.

Frank Mora, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Western Hemisphere Affairs

Frank Mora, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Western Hemisphere Affairs, presented next. According to Mora, WHINSEC is important as it builds partnerships in military and law enforcement agencies. It also promotes regional cooperation by bringing together students from different countries. He emphasized that democratic governance and human rights are the cornerstone of WHINSEC.

Mora was asked about the nexus and appropriateness of using the military in public security missions. He replied that the military should not be used in law enforcement. However, as in the case of Mexico, police forces have not been up to the challenge to combat drug trafficking groups, a situation that also exists in Central American countries, such as Honduras and El Salvador. Therefore, the military are often asked to be involved in these issues. As a result, Mora explained, the United States is sensitive to the need to use the military in law enforcement because they are the last line of defense available.

In relation to Honduras, Deputy Assistant Secretary Mora confirmed that military-to-military relations have restarted between the United States and Honduras. Members of the Honduran military are traveling to the United States to participate in certain courses, and some members of the military are receiving in-country training from the United States.

This post was written by Abigail Poe and Lucila Santos

The Obama Administration has been working this spring to put its own stamp on security and counternarcotics programs for Latin America. This is starting to come together as four initiatives: the Mérida, Caribbean Basin Security, Central American Regional Security, and Colombian Security Development Initiatives. By covering several different regions of Latin America, the Obama administration believes it will "mitigate any 'balloon effect' - criminal spillover resulting from successful reductions in drug trafficking and transnational crime elsewhere in the region."

To underscore one of the goals of the Obama Administration's approach to security in the region, the State Department released a new fact sheet today on "Citizen Safety in the Western Hemisphere." The fact sheet stresses the president's commitment to working with the region, "creating practical partnerships in the hemisphere to advance shared interests and protect our citizens." The approach to citizen security that the four above-mentioned initiatives encompass includes:

• Emphasizing the need for comprehensive, evidence-based strategies that address underlying causes, not just symptoms;
• Recognizing that the absence of citizen safety undermines efforts to promote equitable economic growth and social opportunity, secure and clean sources of energy, and the strong democratic institutions needed for effective and accountable governance; and
• Focusing on making advances in citizen safety at the neighborhood level while simultaneously countering emerging transnational threats.

A State Department fact sheet on the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative (CBSI) released late last week cites three key objectives of this initiative: 1) substantially reduce illicit trafficking; 2) increase public safety and security; and 3) promote social justice. The new initiative was formally launched today at the inaugural U.S.-Caribbean Security Dialogue in Washington.

The meeting was attended by high-level representatives from 15 Caribbean Community countries, the Dominican Republic, and other non-Caribbean observer nations. According to the State Department's release announcing this meeting, "in addition to law enforcement cooperation, partnership activities will include important elements of judicial reform, as well as development and education components intended to provide at-risk youth of the region with improved prospects for social and economic inclusion."

At the meeting, Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela told officials that "security must be advanced through our commitment to partner with those who are courageously battling drug cartels, gangs and other criminal networks throughout the Americas." The Assistant Secretary continued to note that the initiative's success "'will require the allocation of adequate resources for enhanced law enforcement and prevention programs' as well as judicial reforms," according to AFP coverage of the meeting.

In the 2010 Foreign Operations Appropriations bill, Congress allocated "not less than $37 million" for CBSI, though in various platforms, the State Department has emphasized that it is "fully committed" to fund the President's $45 million request for 2010. The President asked for an additional $79 million for CBSI in his 2011 budget request. According to the Congressional Budget Justification for Fiscal Year 2011, of the $79 million, $17 million would be used economic and social assistance and $62 million for military and police assistance, though a detailed breakdown has yet to be released indicating how much each of the 15 countries in the Caribbean region will receive and, specifically, what it will pay for.

Though this meeting was previously scheduled, it coincides with the recent violence in Jamaica, as its government seeks to arrest and extradite to the United States one of its top drug lords, Christopher "Dudus" Coke. Over the past four days, violent clashes between the Jamaican security forces and armed gangs have resulted in over 50 deaths. Many analysts have linked the violence to "the government's risky tolerance of, and even collusion with, Coke and similar gang bosses who lord over Kingston neighborhoods." Others note that drug traffickers in Jamaica "fill a void left by the Jamaican government's inaction or negligence. They pay for basic services and hand out money. Jamaican youths, especially, complain of a lack of jobs or other opportunities that drives them into the gangs."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela said at today's U.S.-Caribbean meeting, "I take note of the challenges that Jamaica is facing." However, it is still unclear whether the Obama administration's initiatives in the region will be able to truly address the underlying social, economic and political problems that allow drug traffickers like "Dudus" Coke to function with impunity and prosper in the region.

As part of "Just the Facts," the Center for International Policy, the Latin America Working Group Education Fund and the Washington Office on Latin America released a new joint publication today. Waiting for Change: Trends in U.S. Security Assistance to Latin America and the Caribbean (PDF in English or Spanish) takes a critical look at the Obama administration's policies toward Latin America and the Caribbean in the past year, and offers recommendations for the future. In the report, the three organizations write,

Our fifteen years of documenting trends in the U.S. military relationship with Latin America, through Democratic and Republican administrations, have convinced us that the underlying, structural relationship is only affected to a limited degree by the White House's current inhabitant. It has also convinced us that a growing trend towards the militarization of U.S. foreign policy spans administrations. Despite this reality, we are disappointed that the Obama Administration has not taken strong, identifiable actions to improve relationships with the region. We still hold out hope for change. But it must come soon.

The three organizations lay out the following recommendations for how the Obama Administration can set things right:

• Deliver on rebuilding Haiti;
• Decisively shift aid away from military spending towards people's needs;
• Stand up for human rights--including with our closest allies;
• Through actions as well as rhetoric, demonstrate a willingness to change counternarcotics policy and listen to our partners;
• Support human rights and accountability in Honduras;
• Reassure Latin American governments and publics about U.S. military intentions;
• Support Latin American efforts that embrace a broader approach on citizen security;
• Encourage diplomacy and negotiation;
• Allow for the free exchange of people and ideas with Cuba; and
• Put immigration reform back on the agenda--and move it forward.

Here is the press release:

New Report Evaluates the Obama Administration's Relations With Latin America; Finds a Heavy Emphasis on Military Programs, Insufficient Attention to Human Rights

A year ago, at a summit of Latin America's leaders, President Obama hit a note that resonated well with his counterparts: "I pledge to you that we seek an equal partnership. There is no senior partner and junior partner in our relations."

After that hopeful moment, though, the new administration stumbled at the starting gate. 2009 was a rough year for U.S. policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean. Many governments accused the Obama Administration of inattention, vacillation on democracy and human rights, and arrogance, especially after it secretly negotiated a defense agreement with Colombia.

But there is still opportunity to reset the relationship, according to the authors of Waiting for Change. The Latin America Working Group Education Fund, the Center for International Policy, and the Washington Office on Latin America lay out a series of recommendations for resetting relations with the region. The three organizations have collaborated for 12 years on a joint military-assistance monitoring project, "Just the Facts," which maintains a constantly updated online regional security resource at www.justf.org.

"In 2010, 47 percent of the United States' more than $3 billion in aid to Latin America is going to militaries and police forces," says Adam Isacson, senior associate for security policy at WOLA and one of the authors of Waiting for Change. "That's the highest proportion in a decade. Add to that a new military-basing agreement signed last October with Colombia, and the main face that most of the region is seeing from the Obama administration is a military one."

"The Obama Administration's human rights policy in Latin America has been missing in action," adds Lisa Haugaard, executive director of LAWGEF. "With the weak, contradictory response to the coup in Honduras, and a stand-by-our-man approach towards allied governments in Mexico and Colombia, the first year has been disappointing. Now that the President's human rights team is in place, we're hoping to see a greater willingness to take action. The Obama Administration must be strong on human rights, especially with allied governments receiving large amounts of security assistance."

Adds Abigail Poe, deputy director of CIP, "Last week, Mexican President Felipe Calderón's visit to Washington made clear that our anti-drug policy needs fixing, and that our neighbors' proposals offer a starting point. From Mexico to Bolivia, we are hearing that U.S. aid should be less narrowly focused on short-term drug-supply reductions, more oriented toward strengthening governance and justice, and more open to alternative approaches to the entire problem--including demand reduction at home."

"We continue to see an increasing U.S. military role in relations with the region," says Joy Olson, executive director of WOLA. "This is true whether the issue is military presence on the U.S.-Mexico border, the U.S. Southern Command's effort to lead an inter-agency approach, the emergence of new aid programs in the defense budget, or a declared U.S. military interest in helping the region confront internal threats like gangs."

The report notes that some signs of positive change began to emerge in early 2010, as Obama Administration nominees finally entered posts with Latin America responsibilities. Waiting for Change lays out recommendations for how these officials can set things right: in earthquake-battered Haiti, Honduras, Cuba, the annual foreign aid budget, human rights, counternarcotics, and immigration.

Waiting for Change calls for a renewed emphasis on diplomatic engagement, including with governments considered to be adversaries, less emphasis on military-to-military ties, generous disaster relief and development assistance, and greater transparency and consultation about U.S. military intentions with the region.

Click here to read it in English o haga clíc aquí para leerla en español.

On Tuesday, heads of state from South America met in Buenos Aires, Argentina for a summit meeting of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). Many topics were discussed at the summit, including the election of its first secretary general, Arizona's controversial immigration law, Argentina's right to the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), and Paraguay's fight against the leftist guerrilla group, the Paraguayan People's Army (EPP).

Colombian President Álvaro Uribe did not attend the summit, and was represented by Foreign Minister Jamie Bermúdez, who urged UNASUR to focus on export restrictions, the movement of people, and nations meddling in internal affairs of other countries. "One can see that we are very worried about the way in which we should tackle the world from UNASUR, when one suspects, intuits, and sees that we have internal difficulties that need to be resolved among brother nations," he said.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez also urged UNASUR countries to "put aside their 'ideological positions' in order for the budding regional bloc to move forward."

UNASUR's first secretary general
One of the first items on the agenda at the UNASUR summit was its unanimous consent to name ex-President of Argentina, Nestor Kirchner, to be UNASUR's first secretary general "in hopes that the 12-nation UNASUR group can consolidate into a regional force for unity, development and democracy-building," according to the Washington Post.

UNASUR's founding treaty states that the secretary general must focus solely on regional matters during the two-year term, and not on national politics. However, Kirchner, who was president of Argentina from 2003 to 2007, is currently a Congressman in Argentina's lower house and has "all but declared" his intention to run in Argentina's presidential elections next year to succeed his wife, President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. In order to carry out his obligations as secretary general of UNASUR, Kirchner will have to resign from or ask for a leave of absence from his position in Congress.

Honduras
One point of contention at the summit was Honduras. Many of the South American leaders said they would boycott the upcoming Latin American-European Union summit in Spain if Honduran President Porfirio Lobo attends. Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa noted that many of UNASUR's member states, not including Colombia and Peru, are still uneasy about Lobo, who was elected to replace ousted President Manuel Zelaya. According to Brazilian President Lula da Silva, "If Spain officially invites Lobo, Brazil is not going. Lobo has not given any indication that he wants to change anything in relation to Zelaya's amnesty."

Arizona, Falkland Islands, and Paraguay

In various declarations, the South American leaders expressed their condemnation of Arizona's new immigration law, confirmed the rights of Argentina to the Falkland Islands, and manifested their solidarity with the government of Paraguay, stating their "total and absolute support for the constitutional government of Fernando Lugo" in its "fight against the criminal violence that affects five departments in the country," referring to the Paraguayan People's Army's (EPP) activities in northern Paraguay.

According to the declaration, Arizona's immigration law opens the door to the "discretional detention of people based on racial, ethnic, phenotypic, language and migratory status reasons under the questionable concept of ‘reasonable doubt.'" An Argentine government press release also states that the law "constitutes a flagrant violation of human rights."

The UNASUR bloc also reaffirmed its "firm support to the legitimate rights" of Argentina to the Falkland Islands and rejected the natural resource exploration that the United Kingdom is currently conducting "illegally" in the waters surrounding the islands.

Last week, the Pentagon submitted a report to Congress on Iran's military power. This "12-page analysis of Tehran's current and future military strategy" made little mention of Latin America. However, the few sentences that did mention Latin America have been the subject of many news stories.

The report points to the growing presence of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps' elite Qods force in Latin America, especially Venezuela:

[The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF)] is well established in the Middle East and north Africa and recent years have witnessed an increased presence in Latin America, particularly Venezuela.... If US involvement in conflict in these regions deepens, contact with the IRGC-QF, directly or through extremist groups it supports, will be more frequent and consequential.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez immediately responded on Monday, saying that the Pentagon report was "absolutely false." "Look what they are saying," President Chávez continued, "If the U.S. applies sanctions to Iran, these forces that are here -- something that is absolutely false -- could then attack U.S. territory or U.S. interests with terrorist acts. ... Tell me this isn't an open threat by the government of the United States against Venezuela once again using infamy and lies."

General Douglas Fraser, Commander of U.S. Southern Command, responded to many reporters' questions about the Pentagon report at a breakfast meeting in Washington on Tuesday. "I don't see any arms or indications of arms coming from Iran," Fraser told the reporters. "What I see is that Iran has had, from a diplomatic and a commercial standpoint, a growing interest in Latin America. ... Our concern is their connection to Hizbollah, Hamas." He continued to note that "I haven't seen evidence of [an Iranian] military presence," however, "I'm a skeptic, and so we're watching for that. To date, we have not seen that kind of support."

On Wednesday, General Fraser held another press briefing, where he was to give an update on U.S. Southern Command's operations. Again, reporters asked for clarification about Iran's presence in Venezuela, and General Fraser's responses were almost identical to those he made on Tuesday.

What we see is a growing relationship between Iran and Venezuela. And it has been a diplomatic and a commercial activity, and that's what we see. ... My concern in the relationship with Iran in the region is their historic connection with Hamas and Hezbollah, which we define as terrorist organizations. ... I don't see any of that activity right now. But I'm a skeptical person. I'm paid to be skeptical. So I'll continue to watch.

General Fraser also noted that his views and the Pentagon's views are not different positions, explaining that "there is ... a growing relationship between Iran and Venezuela. And so when you hear that report, that is a report that talks about presence: There is a growing relationship and presence of Iran in the relationship with Venezuela. And so that's what we see. So they are the same. And so I'd ask you just not to misinterpret the 'presence' word, if you will. So we see a growing relationship."

One statement he made did seem to differ from what he was reported to say on Tuesday - and that is regarding arms. On Tuesday, as noted above, General Fraser said "I don't see any arms or indications of arms coming from Iran." However, on Wednesday General Fraser said, "There is a military connection, just from the arms sales to Venezuela. There is unmanned air vehicle capacity that Irana (sic) is supporting within Venezuela. So that is the military connection that I see between Iran and Venezuela. It's just arms -- support for arms."

The topic of Iran's presence in Venezuela definitely made up almost 50 percent of journalists' questions to General Fraser on Wednesday. But he did talk about other topics in the region important to Southcom, such as illicit trafficking -- which is Southcom's main focus in the region -- drug interdiction, the U.S. military's efforts in Haiti, and back to Venezuela on U.S.-Venezuelan relations. Below are excerpts from his statements on those topics. The full transcript and a video of the press briefing are available on Southcom's website.

Southcom's focus in the region

Our focus continues to be, support the security, stability within the region, build our partnerships with our companion militaries within the region. And that effort continues as our focus throughout the year.
...
That's our sole mission within this. The reason I pay as much attention to it as I do is because of the destabilizing impact that it has potentially within countries in which drug trafficking organizations and also gangs are coming into.

And I don't want it to become a military issue. And so the way to address that is to address it now, while we still can cooperate and work between all our partner agencies.

Next steps in Haiti

In the June time frame, we will plan to disestablish the Joint Task Force-Haiti. And we will then have some medical readiness training opportunities there, 10 of those throughout the hurricane season.

We will also have an exercise that provides humanitarian assistance -- roofs on schools, other medical facilities -- and just providing infrastructure support, not focused in Port-au-Prince but in the Gonaives areas where we're going to focus throughout the hurricane season.

We'll also have a ship, an amphibious ship that will be in the region, in the Caribbean during the entire hurricane season, that will be closer in case there is a hurricane that strikes Haiti; with all the numbers of displaced people who are there now, that we have an ability to respond quickly to whatever situation is there.

Illicit Trafficking

We had a very successful year last year countering illicit traffic. We were able to disrupt or seize over 229 metric tons of cocaine. We estimate that's roughly about 25 percent of the cocaine that's transiting through the maritime environments.

...

We estimate that there's somewhere between 1,200 to 1,400 metric tons of cocaine that are trafficked from the northern part of South America to various parts of the world. Roughly 60 percent of that is destined for the United States, but a growing number of that, 30-some percent, is headed to Europe, a lot of it through western Africa, and then to markets also in the Middle East.

So -- it's well financed. And so as we try to stop and disrupt traffic in the maritime environments, the traffickers adjust their tactics also. We have been very successful and Colombia has been very successful at denying the air transit out of Colombia into the Caribbean, and the traffickers have just shifted to the east. And so we see more traffic emanating out of Venezuela now than we do out of Colombia.

If you look at the maritime environment, we see it coming out of both coasts, the Caribbean coast, the north coast of Colombia, the western coast, as well as further south. But they tend to now intercept in the Central American isthmus earlier and then now traffic up through the Pan American Highway through the countries in Central America in through Mexico to the United States.

Venezuelan-U.S. relations

At Joint Interagency Task Force-South in Key West, there is a liaison position that remains available for Venezuela to fill. There are 13 other nations who have liaison officers there, both from a military standpoint as well as law enforcement.

We continue to look for those opportunities. We invite the armed forces of Venezuela to conferences, to attend education opportunities. And it has been their choice not to attend those. It has not been our desire to restrict them.

Senators John Kerry (D-MA) and Robert Menendez (D-NJ) recently introduced legislation (S. 3172) in the Senate intended to direct a more focused approach to regional counternarcotics programs.

The "Counternarcotics and Citizen Security for the Americas Act of 2010" (S.3172) differs widely from H.R.2134, the "Western Hemisphere Drug Policy Commission Act of 2009," which was passed by the House of Representatives in December 2009 and now awaits passage in the Senate. While H.R. 2134 aims to establish an independent commission to evaluate U.S. counternarcotics and demand reduction policies, S.3172 attempts to create a multi-year, "comprehensive and coordinated" strategy for the existing U.S. counternarcotics programs in South America, Central America, Mexico and the Caribbean "to thwart the 'balloon effect.'" (The "balloon effect" is a term referring to what happens when one squeezes a half deflated balloon - in this instance, referring to the phenomenon in which successful counternarcotics efforts in one area leads to increased narco-related activities in other areas.)

The bill attempts to reflect "a more nuanced approach to counternarcotics efforts in the region," which would focus on programs aimed at:

• Strengthening civilian institutions;
• Decreasing military involvement in law enforcement;
• Increasing the effectiveness of local, regional, and federal law enforcement institutions;
• Improving the judicial system and the rule of law; and
• Promoting viable and licit alternatives to the drug trade.

These new goals are closely in line with the "new phase" of the Mérida Initiative, which was officially announced last week by the State Department and the Government of Mexico.

The new legislation mandates an "Inter-American Counternarcotics Strategy Report," which would describe, for example:

• A detailed multi-year strategy for the region;
• "The integration of diplomatic, criminal justice, civil society and economic development, demand reduction, military, and other assistance to achieve regional counternarcotics goals;"
• A set of regional and country-specific metrics and monitoring protocols; and
• Government efforts to investigate and prosecute allegations of human rights abuses committed by security agencies.

The legislation also attempts to address the problem of coordination between all U.S. government agencies involved in the counternarcotics programs. According to Sen. Menendez's press release, "program effectiveness can be limited due to fragmented management, unclear reporting chains, and duplicative and overlapping agenda." As a result, S. 3172 places authority in the hands of the Secretary of State. The text (PDF) of the legislation reads: "No United States Government international counternarcotics or anti-crime foreign assistance-related activity may be implemented unless it has been approved by the Secretary of State, under the direction of the President."

Finally, this 28-page piece of legislation limits the use of U.S. contractors in a recipient country, modifies reporting and monitoring requirements of the health and environmental impacts of herbicide use in aerial eradication programs, and encourages the input and participation of local government and civil society in developing and carrying out the funded programs.

The text of the legislation has not been added to the Library of Congress' Thomas.gov website, however it can be downloaded as a PDF here.

On March 10th, the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere held a hearing on "U.S. Policy Toward the Americas in 2010 and Beyond."

Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela testified before the House committee in the first panel and provided a look into the focus of U.S. policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean in the coming year. The hearing came on the heels of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's six-nation trip to Latin America, to which Assistant Secretary Valenzuela referred multiple times during his testimony.

In his written testimony, Assistant Secretary Valenzuela that the United States' partnership with the region will be focused on

three priorities critical to people in every country of this region: promoting social and economic opportunity for everyone; ensuring the safety of all of our citizens; and strengthening effective institutions of democratic governance, respect for human rights, and accountability.

However, the topics that received the most attention during the question and answer portion of the hearing were Venezuela's links to the FARC, Iran's influence in the region, the future of the Organization of American States (OAS), and the decline in U.S. assistance to Colombia and Mexico.

Below are excerpts from the first panel's Q&A portion. The webcast of the hearing is available here.

U.S. assistance to the region

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "We need to make very, very clear, and I want to make this a very important point in my testimony. I want to make very, very clear that when we go at work with other countries to assist them, we also expect to have co-responsibility.

This means that they also need to reform some of their institutions. It means, for example, in the case of Central America it has to be willing to tax their own societies more than they have. In the case of Guatemala, for example, with less than 12% of GDP is represented by taxes. That simply is not sustainable in terms of the infrastructure and development kinds of investments that Guatemala has to do.

So yes, let's coordinate better with our partners, but let's also have better partnerships in the countries that we're working with."

Venezuela and the FARC

Exchange between Rep. Mack and Assistant Secretary Valenzuela

Rep. Connie Mack (R-FL): "I want to touch on Venezuela really quick. Do you agree that the FARC is a terrorist organization?"

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "The FARC is a terrorist organization."

Rep. Mack: "And do you believe that Venezuela and Hugo Chávez have assisted, or in any way worked with, the FARC or supported the FARC?"

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "There is some indication that there has been some assistance.... And we are concerned about the FARC and the various kinds of support they have been getting from different kinds of organizations. And we can talk about that, though I prefer to talk about that in closed session rather than in an open session. But it is something that we are very concerned about, extremely concerned about. And you know there has been news where the FARC has been linked to other organizations."

Iran

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "We're certainly concerned about Iran's intents in Latin America. We are very concerned about the fact that Iran may be trying to establish networks in Latin America."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "For the record, we are extremely concerned about Iran's intents in Latin America. Its attempt is not commercial, like perhaps China's is. I think it is openly political and its reaching out to countries like Venezuela or Ecuador are of significant concern for us and we are tracking it as closely as we can. It is something we take very seriously."

Exchange between Rep. Eliot Engel (D-NY) and Assistant Secretary Assistant Secretary Valenzuela

Rep. Engel: "I want to mention Iran, ... , and its clear to all of us that Hugo Chávez is facilitating Iranian influence in this hemisphere. But I must say, I was very disappointed recently when President Ahmadinejad of Iran came to South America. I would expect him to speak in Venezuela and Bolivia, I was very disappointed that he was welcomed with open arms by President Lula in Brazil.... He welcomed Ahmadinejad with open arms after the disputed election that was stolen. I know that Brazil wants to be a player on the world scene and maybe get a permanent seat on the Security Council, but this is a heck of a way to do it."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "Iran is a very, very serious problem. In my earlier testimony I underscored how serious we see their influence in the region. Let me say this was, of course, a major item on the agenda of the Secretary's trip. She raised this issue with both President Fernández de Kirchner, ... the United States' kind of gratitude and pleasure that they agree with us on this ... and at the same time very forcefully in Brasilia to Foreign Minister Amorim and President Lula.... We agree on this."

Honduras

Exchange between Rep. Mack and Assistant Secretary Valenzuela

Rep. Mack: "... Someone could get the impression that on the one hand, you have a country like Honduras who stood up to the rule of law ... and, on the one hand, if we respond to the situation in Honduras as a coup, ... and then look like we are supporting the actions of lets say Bolivia or Cuba - it sends a mixed message.

Honduras did everything by their constitution, and for anyone to call it a coup, it's irresponsible and misguided."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "I'll agree with you 95% on this....

The 5% disagreement, Congressman, I'm afraid that what happened in Honduras, in my estimation and in our estimation, and we voted in the OAS and I think it was the unanimous opinion of all countries really in the world - I can't think of a country that did not judge the expulsion by force of President Manuel Zelaya as an interruption of the constitutional order. Why? For a very simple reason, because he was not given the most elementary due process of law."

Rep. Mack: "Then I suggest then Honduras and the government of Honduras is the most courageous on the planet, because they stood up against ... all, or most, and said that the rule of law, our constitution, our freedom and democracy is more important than the pressure that is going to come from the United States or other countries....

You would have thought that the Honduran people and the government would have been very angry, but instead they were in disbelief. They couldn't believe that their friend and their ally in the United States - when we always trumpet ... the quality of public institutions and the rule of law. That here you have a country that did nothing but defend its constitution and honor its constitution and the rule of law, then we turn around and call it a coup.... It was the government institutions that did the right thing to remove Zelaya and the military never took over in that country...."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "What I want to do is agree with you. What I want to agree with you is moving forward. ... It is time for Honduras to be brought back into the international community."

Rep. Mack: "Part of looking forward is looking at the past and have a clear picture of the past."

Free Trade Agreements

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "... The free trade agreements with Panama and Colombia - yes - we are supportive of that. Both Panama and Colombia have done what they needed to do in order to get these, in my estimation. It is the matter of the President. Of course, in the State of the Union said he wanted to have these done. We stand to work with the USTR and also with members of Congress ... But this is something that I think we really ought to do."

Colombia

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "... We've continued to work with the Colombian authorities over the years to help them face these extraordinary challenges, which in some ways are also partly our responsibility too because of the fact that so much of the cocaine produced in Colombia does wind up in the United States. We continue to be committed to working with Colombia... If there is a decline in some of the assistance to Colombia, it is not because we ... are not concerned, or because we are walking away from our partnership in Colombia... If there is a decline in our assistance ... it is precisely because our efforts with Colombia have been successful and because we have been able to move to a separate level in terms of our concerns and our assistance in Colombia...

The security situation is so much better in Colombia now. This is the chance for us to to move away from some of the investment on the security side to investments in other areas that ... both the Colombian government and the United States agree are very important. And that has to do with sustainable development, it has to do with addressing some of the economic problems, it has to do with alternative development. Alternative development efforts are very important.... These may not be as expensive. But we are committed, ... - even with a lower budget - because we are spending it in different areas, that we will be effective moving forward in our assistance and our work in Colombia."

China's influence in the region

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "Much of the work that China is doing in Latin America, unlike the reference I made earlier to Iran or perhaps some of the efforts that Russia may have - those are driven more by a perhaps political calculation - China is driven more by economic calculation."

U.S.-Bolivia bilateral talks

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "On Bolivia, I should confess it is slow. We continue to try to work with them on this framework agreement.... It is slow in coming.... It hasn't been easy to engage, and of course we are concerned about their lack of cooperation, for example on such an important issues as counternarcotics cooperation.... But we are continuing to work on it."

Mexico

Rep. Engel: "As you know, I have a bill, which has passed the House, which would set up a commission to look at drug policy in the region, in the Western Hemisphere. And I have long believed we must address the consumption side, as well as the supply side.... I've been a very strong supporter of Merida, but I noticed that in the proposed budget Mérida funds have been cut. Could you talk ... about Mexico and what our progress has been there? "

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "Mexico is of the highest priority, there is no question about it. If you pushed me on where I would put things, I would put it very much at the top. This is a fundamental interest to the United States ... there is no question about that. And Mexico is taking on some significant challenges....

Reduction in some of the expenditures for Mérida, ... , means ... now we can recalibrate some of the assistance. The earlier assistance went to some of the really expensive items that you have to use, expensive equipment, for combatting the drug trafficking directly.... Now we are actually putting funding in some of the areas that are equally important.... That would include working very closely with what the Mexican government has determined to be its fundamental priority in this... What is needed is the strengthening the institutions of the state, particularly local government and law enforcement operations...."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "The violence that you are referring to in some ways is sometimes the inevitable result of the some of the success. Because as you bring down certain kinds of criminal organizations, you encourage a certain degree of conflict between them. But we are there for the long haul, because this is such a fundamental interest of the United States, to make sure to get this right."

OAS

Rep. Engel: "There was a recent summit in Cancun. Heads of state in Latin America and the Caribbean agreed to form a new organization ... that includes every country in the hemisphere with the exception of the United States and Canada. ... What does the exclusion of the U.S. and Canada from this new organization say about the current state of hemispheric affairs and are you concerned that [this organization] will replace the OAS?"

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "... In principle it is not a problem for the United States if these countries set up mechanisms in order to dialogue with one another, to create better understanding, to perhaps build mutual confidence..., or opening markets and that kind of thing, we encourage that, we are open to that.

The question that I raise is will this be an effective organization? ... It certainly would not replace the Organization of American States, and it is our assumption, except for maybe one or two voices out there that have said something like that, that all of the countries in the Western Hemisphere are committed to the Organization of American States as their fundamental regional institution.... I see a strong commitment and this was reiterated on this trip that we took to Central America, where we met with all the presidents, to not only value the Organization of American States, but to look for ways to actually strengthen the Organization of American States."

Rep. Mack: "There might be one thing that myself and Hugo Chávez agree on, and that is that the OAS is ineffective. And the OAS has been a deterrent to freedom, security, and prosperity in Latin America. And I think that one of the things that the United States must do is also lead in the hemisphere on principle. And when you have an organization like the OAS, who the leadership of the OAS conducts themselves in a way that seems to be more supportive of governments and ideas that are in the process of destroying democracy, I don't know how we can align ourselves with that kind of leadership...."

Caribbean

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "On the Caribbean, I reiterate how much this is going to be a priority of this administration. The Secretary is very committed to that. ... There is a special bond that is there that we need to, as we look forward, cultivate more...."

Cancun, Mexico is always regarded as a conference and summit hotspot, but this week it was overtaken by 32 representatives of Latin American and Caribbean countries - 24 of which were heads of state. The Rio Group Summit, the Latin American and Caribbean Summit on Integration and Development, and the Mexico-Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Summit were all held in Cancun over the past few days, and they all convened at the Latin American-Caribbean Unity Summit to discuss the creation of a new regional alliance, among other things.

Topics that were covered at the Summit included an aid strategy for reconstruction and development in Haiti, the current dispute between Argentina and Great Britain over the Falkland Islands, the creation of a new Latin American and Caribbean unity organization that would rival the Organization of American States, and more. Though not initially planned, other topics such as the spat between Colombian President Álvaro Uribe and Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez were thrown into the mix, after the two presidents exchanged harsh words during lunch yesterday.

New Latin America-Caribbean Alliance

As the two-day summit came to a close yesterday, Mexican President Felipe Calderón announced that the 32 nations have agreed to create a new regional alliance that will "push for regional integration" and "promote the regional agenda in global meetings." This new alliance is intended to serve as an alternative to the Organization of American States with a slightly different membership - the United States and Canada will not be members, while Cuba will be.

According to the AFP, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela said that the United States does not see the new group as a problem, and that "This should not be an effort that would replace the OAS." And, during yesterday's State Department press briefing, Assistant Secretary Philip J. Crowley commented on the new alliance.

We think it's a good thing when countries in the region come together to talk about how they can cooperate more effectively, and this can take place in many regional fora. And virtually all of the countries attending the summit are strong partners of the United States and we are working together with them on a broad range of initiatives. So – and we consider the meeting in Mexico as consistent with our goals for the hemisphere.

Though this new alliance is being referred to as the Latin American and Caribbean Community, its name, status, and organizational structure will be decided on next year at a meeting in Caracas, Venezuela.

Argentina:

Over the past few weeks, tensions have sparked between Great Britain and Argentina over oil drilling rights in the waters surrounding the Falkland Islands (known as Las Malvinas in Argentina). The longstanding sovereignty dispute over the islands intensified earlier this month upon announcement that a British oil rig was arriving to drill offshore for oil.

Argentine President Cristina Kirchner says London has violated UN resolutions calling on the parties to take no actions that could aggravate their dispute and instituted a decree last week requiring vessels traveling through territorial waters to obtain permission from Buenos Aires. Britain has mostly dismissed the move as sabre-rattling, and the British oil company announced on Monday that it has begun drilling for oil in the territorial waters of the Falkland Islands.

The Unity Summit of 32 countries backed Argentina's claim that Britain is flouting international law by permitting drilling. According to the Associated Press: "Argentina presented a statement quoting Mexican President Felipe Calderón as saying that 'the heads of state represented here reaffirm their support for the legitimate rights of the republic of Argentina in the sovereignty dispute with Great Britain.'"

Colombia-Ecuador relations

Outside of the various summits, Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa and Colombian President Álvaro Uribe held their first official meeting since the two countries cut diplomatic relations in March 2008 (after Colombia bombed a Farc encampment on Ecuadorian territory, resulting in the death of Farc leader Raul Reyes). Official from both countries have been working to restore diplomatic relations, but yesterday's meeting marks an important step forward in the process.

Prior to the meeting, both governments made statements saying that diplomatic relations would not be restored immediately, as each side still has concerns that need to be addressed. However the meeting between the two presidents demonstrated their will to move the process forward. "Without looking at the past to not repeat it, but looking toward the future and what is best for our countries, the political will to normalize relations between the two countries as soon as possible has been ratified," President Correa said.

As Colombian Foreign Minister Jaime Bermúdez noted at a press conference yesterday, the next step toward normalizing relations is the implementation of a "commission of reasonable affairs that will cover topics of interest and the concerns of each side."

Colombia-Venezuela relations

The face-to-face encounter between President Uribe and Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez was not as diplomatic as the meeting between Presidents Uribe and Correa. During lunch on Monday, the two presidents held a heated exchange, in which Uribe told Chávez to "be a man," while Chávez responded with "go to hell," according to various media outlets. The media was not in attendance at the lunch, but reports emerged detailing what was called a "shouting match" between the two presidents. As reported by the BBC, the exchange was as follows:

"Uribe: Be a man! These issues are meant to be discussed in these forums. You're brave speaking at a distance, but a coward when it comes to talking face to face.

Chavez: Go to hell!"

Cuban President Raúl Castro stepped in to stop the verbal spat, noting the irony of the fight at a "unity" summit: "'How is it possible that we're fighting at a summit intended to unite Latin American and Caribbean countries?,'" he asked.

Later in the day, both President Uribe and President Chávez agreed to an intervention by "friendly" countries to help resolve the diplomatic crisis that has emerged between the two countries. The commission formed to help the two countries includes Argentina, Mexico, the Dominican Republic and Brazil.

Semana reported that President Chávez noted that "we have the capacity to not throw rocks at each other, because there are factors that alway play to this, to impede unity. It is an old history, the divide and conquer." President Uribe, on the other hand, asked his government's officials, especially Minister of Defense Gabriel Silva, to refrain from making any declarations about Venezuela without first consulting him.

This is cross-posted from the Latin America Working Group's blog, the LAWG Blog. It was written by Lisa Haugaard.

We charitably termed the Obama Administration’s first year of Latin America policy a “false start.”  After the year was kicked off with a promising beginning with a rousing speech at the Summit of the Americas, a promise to close Guantanamo, the lifting of the ban on travel to Cuba for Cuban Americans, and some principled words on human rights to Colombian President Uribe, we had some hope for a new, less ideological, more people-centered approach to the region. As the year progressed, those hopes were dashed. But now we dare to hope again.

We hoped for the United States to stand up for human rights and democratic principles, but in a fair-minded way, not based on whether or not a government was considered a close ally. We hoped for our country to uphold the same human rights standards we asked of others. We hoped for a reshaping of U.S. aid to focus generously on human needs, like health care and small-scale development for the poorest communities and humanitarian aid for those displaced by war and natural disaster—rather than military aid. We presented these ideas to the administration in letters, petitions, reports and meetings (and we give this administration credit for its open door for meetings). But our hopes were dashed by the administration’s failure to take a strong enough stance towards the coup in Honduras, the roll out of a major base agreement with Colombia, an aid budget that mirrored the Bush Administration’s, and the decision to give a free pass to Mexico and Colombia on the human rights requirements attached to military aid.

Now we are looking for signs that the Obama Administration—with its top officials finally in place for Latin America and human rights—is ready for a fresh start to the region.

The administration’s response to the Haitian earthquake and, to a lesser extent, its fiscal year 2011 budget may be signs of steps in the right direction. 

Haiti. The U.S. government responded in a committed fashion to the Haitian tragedy, mobilizing emergency aid, extending Temporary Protected Status to Haitians currently in the United States, and announcing that the U.S. Treasury will work to encourage cancellation of all of Haiti’s multilateral debts. There are and will be problems, but the effort so far has been swift and generous. Now the question is what next. We are calling for at least $3 billion in U.S. relief and reconstruction aid, for a Haitian-led recovery. The White House has not yet announced how much it will ask Congress to commit to Haitian reconstruction, and since it is not included in the budget, will have to ask for a “supplemental” bill to be approved. We expect the White House will do this soon.

Budget. In the FY2011 foreign operations budget the White House unveiled, we’re beginning to see the faint outline of the administration’s own stamp on a U.S. approach to the region. (The foreign operations budget funds most foreign aid, both military and economic, though increasing amounts of military aid now are included in the defense budget.) We’re not seeing a real departure, but there are certain glimmers of hope.

Glimmers of hope:

• U.S. military aid to the region declines. The administration has requested $742 million in military aid to the region in the foreign operations budget, compared to $1.1 billion the previous year. Watch out, though: We don’t yet know what’s in the defense budget for Latin America. We need to see if that increases.
• U.S. aid to Mexico no longer includes helicopters and planes for the army. Military aid to Mexico has declined as the big-ticket items promised as a part of the Merida Initiative have already been appropriated—the main reason for the overall decline in military spending for the region. Aid for the justice sector and police reform and oversight continues. Watch out, though: We need to know what’s in the defense budget, we need to be sure there’s not more helicopters in a supplemental bill, and we need to know how the $8 million in foreign military financing for Mexico included in the budget will be spent.
• There’s a sizeable cut for hard-side counternarcotics assistance to Colombia. The budget cuts this by $44 million, saying it’s time for Colombia to finance these programs by itself. We hope what is being cut is the controversial, inhumane, ineffective and environmentally damaging aerial spraying program.
• Economic assistance stays level and will increase with Haiti. The budget slightly increases economic aid for the region by $20 million, from $1.415 billion in the 2010 request to $1.435 billion in 2011. However, this total will go way up if a supplemental bill for Haiti is passed, changing dramatically, in numbers, the overall balance of military vs. economic aid to the region. We will need to see the more detailed documents that are released weeks after the sketchy overall budget to know more about how this is spent, but some positive developments in U.S. aid worldwide are a greater focus on programs for food security and climate change, and continued high priority for global health programs. Watch out, though:  We need to make sure that the already limited U.S. development and humanitarian aid for Latin America is not cut to make room for aid to Haiti.
  

Reasons not to be cheerful:

• Militarization of economic assistance, the Pentagon as the face of the United States in Latin America. The cuts in military aid mentioned above are not enough to change these trends. We’re also worried about the movement towards military-led economic assistance, most notably in Colombia (and a factor to watch in Haiti, though there is an appropriate role for the military in the immediate aftermath of a major disaster).
• Military aid to Colombia remains high despite human rights abuses. We were disappointed to see that the administration cut military aid to Colombia by only 3.5 million, to a still-massive $51.5 million in the foreign operations budget alone.
• The defense budget contains more military aid. We can’t judge the overall trends until we get more information about what’s in the defense budget, not just the foreign operations budget. And military aid in the defense budget is always far too untransparent and unaccountable to the public.
• The migration and refugee spending for Latin America declined. Why, oh why, did the Obama Administration do this? Spending for the refugee crisis from the Colombian conflict is never anywhere near adequate, and the administration has inexplicably cut the Western Hemisphere budget from $48.5 million to $37 million. Congress must fix this.
  

Check out Adam Isacson’s slideshow on the budget & Latin America on the joint CIP/LAWGEF/WOLA “Just the Facts” website which monitors trends on U.S. military aid & policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean. See also his blog noting that the main change in the budget is Mexico and Colombia. “We need not lament that the tempo of helicopter-buying for Mexico and Colombia has slowed, and we note that economic and social assistance is holding remarkably steady despite the Millennium Challenge program’s decline in the region,” he concludes.

Let’s hope that these glimmers of change in the budget and the immediate, generous response to Haitian relief mean that we will see some real movement towards a more caring, just, and people-centered approach towards our neighbors. We are waiting!