Twenty-seven members of the U.S. House of Representatives signed and sent to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton a letter (PDF) expressing their concern regarding the human rights violations and violations to the democratic order in Honduras that continue one year after the June 28, 2009 coup ousted President Manuel Zelaya.

The letter asks Secretary Clinton to send Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Michael Posner to Honduras "to make a prompt assessment of what is occurring there with regard to human and political rights" in order to justify continuing U.S. support for Honduras without "significant restrictions."

Below is the full-text of the letter. You can download the PDF here.

Dear Secretary Clinton:

Next Monday, June 28th , marks the first anniversary of the coup in Honduras. We write to express our continuing concern regarding the grievous violations of human rights and the democratic order which commenced with the coup and continue to this day. We recognize the challenges facing President Lobo and welcome efforts to reconcile the country and strengthen the rule of law that are consistent with international human rights and humanitarian law.

It is our belief that the State Department should rise to this occasion and assign Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Michael Posner to visit Honduras and make a prompt assessment of what is occurring there with regards to human and political rights. Without an early and accurate report, we would be reluctant to see U.S. support for Honduras continue without significant restrictions.

During your recent visit to Latin America, you asserted that Honduras has made progress since President Lobo took office in January 2010. However, it is our view that political violence continues to wrack Honduras, and insecurity grips much of the population. Reports indicate that many Hondurans fear for their safety, lack confidence in the rule of law, and remain subject to the whims of those in power, including architects and holdovers from last year's coup that are protected by a climate of impunity.

In this year alone, nine journalists in Honduras have been murdered, and several more have been tortured, kidnapped and suffered death threats, including threats against their families. Also, there are cases of reporters who have been forced to leave the country due to these threats, some of them looking for asylum here in the U.S. and Canada. Members of social movements who oppose or criticize the government have been victims of violence and subject to ongoing intimidation. Several judges have been summarily dismissed for raising principled questions about the legality of the coup. Against this backdrop, a number of Army officials suspected of being involved in the coup have been appointed to executive positions in the Lobo government. Most notably, General Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces at the time of the coup, is now the head of Hondutel, the national telecommunications company. The appointment of Velásquez, a primary actor in the coup, is troubling because in his new position he controls the country's telephone, Internet and fax lines at a time when human rights advocates and political opposition leaders fear they are being persecuted for their activism.

President Lobo is eager, in his words, to bury the past. But these violations of human rights and democratic order persist in Honduras on his watch. At the same time, Honduras has failed to live up to its commitments regarding the Truth Commission and establishing a government of national unity, which the U.S. last year deemed as prerequisites for Honduras being treated again with the legitimacy of a democratic government.

We strongly believe U.S. policymakers need an accurate assessment of the current human rights situation in Honduras in order to formulate policies that can support the Lobo administration's efforts to strengthen the rule of law and return the democratic order to the country. We strongly and respectfully recommend that you direct Assistant Secretary Posner to visit Honduras for the purpose of collecting the facts on the current human and political rights situation and reporting back to you and to us as promptly as possible, including but not limited to, the following issues:

1. The murders, assaults, threats and exiling of journalists.
2. The murders, assaults, threats and exiling of members of the Resistance Movement, labor unions and the Afro, Indigenous and LGBT communities.
3. The dismissal by the Supreme Court of judges who opposed the coup.
4. The resources and mandate available to Ana Pineda, special advisor to President Lobo on human rights, to carry out her work.
5. The potential for the Truth Commission to lead to justice and reconciliation.

The Congress needs a clear and candid assessment by the U.S. Department of State concerning conditions on the ground in Honduras as they are - not as we might wish or imagine them to be. Our country cannot claim to uphold the democratic values at stake in Honduras or the region more broadly, and we in Congress cannot countenance additional support for the government of Honduras, without a reliable report about the status of political and human rights as they prevail under President Lobo and a plan for addressing these conditions effectively.

This post was written by CIP's Cuba program intern Meghan Vail

On May 27th, two House of Representatives committees held a joint hearing on U.S.-Mexico security cooperation. The Subcommittee on Border, Maritime and Global Counterterrorism of the Committee on Homeland Security and the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere of the Committee on Foreign Affairs were specifically interested in the next steps for the Mérida Initiative, the $1.4 billion U.S. counternarcotics and security program for Mexico.

A webcast of the hearing is available here.

While members of the committees voiced their individual concerns regarding current implementation of the Mérida Initiative and the funds committed to this program, several common concerns emerged in the course of the hearing, which occurred within weeks of the passage of the Arizona state immigration law (SB 1070) and within days of President Obama’s authorization of 1,200 National Guard troops to the U.S.-Mexico border to assist border patrol and local law enforcement. Accordingly, many of the questions addressed to the panel dealt not only with the delayed utilization of obligated Mérida funds, but also the significance of the National Guard deployment, the specified roles of governmental and non-governmental agencies in border protection and security, and the suitability of Arizona as a national model for securing the border.

Below is a summary of House members’ opening remarks and the testimonies and Q&A period of the first panel. You can watch the entire hearing here.

Opening Remarks
The hearing began with opening statements from House members Henry Cuellar (D-TX), Candice Miller (R-MI), Eliot Engel (D-NY), Connie Mack (R-FL) and Bennie Thompson (D-MS).

Chairman Cuellar expressed the committees’ desire to see an increase in the pace at which the funds obligated for the Mérida Initiative since 2007 are put to use. He expressed interest in the panelists’ perspectives on previous and future implementation of Mérida, as well as the significance of the Obama Administration’s deployment of the National Guard to the U.S.-Mexico border earlier this week.

Rep. Miller expressed her desire to see an even greater presence of the National Guard at the U.S.-Mexico border than has currently been ordered. She claimed that Mexican gangs are the greatest threat to U.S. security. Despite the bipartisan support for the Mérida Initiative, implementation has been inexplicably delayed. From her perspective, Congressional legislation is necessary to confirm that U.S. agencies are carrying out their responsibilities regarding Mérida. Rep. Miller cautioned that the actions taken by the Mexican government to stem the violence must also be recognized.

Chairman Engel posed several questions about the nature and length of the National Guard deployment. How long will the troops be deployed there? Are measures being taken to ensure that the National Guard will not undermine existing security efforts? He said that while he respects President Obama’s decision to send the troops and felt that President Obama had to do it, he warns that the National Guard is not police or law enforcement and is “temporary at best.” He argued that the Guard deployment cannot be seen as a campaign against immigrants.

According to Chairman Engel, a plan to strengthen key U.S. agencies and their Mexican counterparts is necessary. It is the relationship with government that will make Mérida successful, and the behavior of all agencies must be transparent. There are three things with regard to the Mérida Initiative that Rep. Engel would like to see:

• Expedited assistance - only 2% of obligated funds had been spent by September 2009.
• Acceptance of the Senate’s proposal of $175 million in funding for the new judicial system to be created by 2016.
• President Obama’s reinstatement of the existing ban on military weapons, a decision that would require no legislation. Security systems are not enough, he argues, when Americans are the consumers and the providers of arms for cartels.

Rep. Mack began his opening statement by identifying what in his perspective was a “red flag” – Mexican President Calderon’s proposal that the U.S. create new guns laws. He argued that the existing laws should be enforced and that the situation of violence at the border should not be used to enforce a ban agenda. He was similarly troubled by the fact that less than 2% of the obligated funds had been implemented, and argued that taxpayers couldn’t be told that security was being provided under these circumstances. He asked, why is there no time sensitive, targeted assistance?

Rep. Mack argued that the Mérida parties need to create a comprehensive regional drug strategy and promote strong commercial ties. On these grounds, he advocates for passage of the free-trade agreements with Colombia and Panama. As for implementation of the Mérida Initiative in the past, his perspective is that little implementation appears comprehensive in nature. He argued that the existing security resources should be improved and that the Arizona law is not a solution.

Rep. Thompson concluded the opening statements by remarking that efficiency in implementation must be accompanied by accountability. As for future implementation, he argues strongly in favor of seeking feedback and involvement from people at the border, cautioning that their perspective is much better than the D.C. perspective.

First Panel
The first panel of witnesses at the hearing was comprised of Obama administration officials from various departments: Roberta Jacobson of the State Department’s Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs; Mariko Silver, Acting Assistant Secretary of the Office of International Affairs at the Department of Homeland Security; Alonzo Peña of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security; and Allen Gina of Customs and Border Protection, Department of Homeland Security.

After all panelists had spoken, Roberta Jacobson responded to the first question addressed to the panelists from Chairman Cuellar, who inquired if the State Department had established a plan to expedite the allocation of funds obligated to implement the Mérida Initiative. Jacobson responded that the Department had improved its processes given that it had a lot of structures to put in place. She spoke of a 275% “increased presence in Mexico” and the establishment of a bilateral implementation working group that meets monthly. She estimated an implementation of approximately $600 million of Mérida-allocated funds by the end of this fiscal year.

Chairman Engel indicated that the Committees sought assurances that the pace of implementation of funds would be increased, noting that funding may be cut if the funds were not put to use. He inquired about the use of performance measures and argued that the government could not ignore the flow of weapons across the border. He questioned the panel as to why President Obama was not moving more “forcefully” on this issue.

Chairman Cuellar questioned the federal government’s overall strategy to secure the border and the specific collaborative roles of the federal, state, and local governments. He argued that each governmental agency’s role should be established in writing.

As to where the agencies were in the process of securing the border, Mr. Peña responded that he didn’t know if there was an overall strategy for federal, state and local governments. He commented that the implementation of a plan had begun in Arizona and was being expanded to incorporate Texas. Chairman Cuellar responded that Mr. Peña’s comments indicated that no model was in fact in place. Representative Gabrielle Giffords (D-AZ) asserted that if Arizona was to become the national model for a secure border, Arizona’s input must be considered.

In response to a question from a committee member regarding whether or not a directive had been issued that immigrants picked up under Arizona’s law would be processed and deported, Mr. Peña responded that no such directive existed. He commented that resource priorities are criminal aliens who affect national security and that officers have to exercise prosecutorial discretion.

The panel was also questioned as to what the National Guard was accomplishing at the border that agencies could not, and Ms. Silver and Mr. Peña responded that the Guard was providing counterintelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance. Chairman Engel questioned if U.S. citizens were now being targeted at the border, and Ms. Silver responded that an investigation into Chairman Engel’s question was forthcoming. The results of this investigation would be produced to the subcommittees.

Rep. Mack further stressed the issue of delayed Mérida implementation, to which Ms. Silver responded that the border at present is staffed better than at any other point in history. She asserted that the measures taken at the border are not merely a reaction to the Arizona law and that some existing measures were already in place.

Rep. Thompson commented on the President’s proposal for more representation from Customs and Border Protection at the border, not Immigration and Customs Enforcement. After questioning the purpose of the surge of troops, Congressman Thompson pointed out that agencies had not formerly requested more personnel from Congress.

Representative Loretta Sanchez (D-CA) commented that Congress was working hard to combat the violence at the border by approving the increase in border patrol officers from 4,000 to 20,000 nationwide.

Congresswoman Giffords sought to clarify the statement of what it means to place troops on the border and advocated for a placement of troops directly on the border. She insisted that the placement of troops was critical to stemming the violence. If the border patrol is deployed far away, she argued, the border is not, in fact, being watched. Consequently, apprehension is difficult.

She proceeded to ask about the placement of the National Guard and whether or not they have the knowledge and skills to protect and defend themselves. She questioned if they were aware of the rules of engagement. Ms. Silver responded that the Guard would be staffed and protected as needed, but that their placement was intended to free up personnel to be on the border. Chairman Cuellar replied that the National Guard should not be freeing up the Customs and Border Patrol to do their jobs. If the CBP needs assistance, he argued, clerks or assistants should be hired.

This post was written by CIP Intern Cristina Salas

On May 5th, Senators Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) and Chuck Grassley, (R-Iowa) co-chaired a Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control hearing on "Drug Trafficking Violence in Mexico: Implications for the United States."

The main topic of discussion at this hearing was the need to prevent drug trafficking-related violence from penetrating furthermore into the United States. The co-chairs insisted on getting answers about what specific measures have to be taken to make that possible. Although most panelists seemed to focus on what their organizations had already accomplished, they all agreed on the need to broaden efforts and intelligence cooperation between all levels of law enforcement.

The caucus heard the testimony of six witnesses involved in federal and local U.S. law enforcement. The first panel included David Johnson (Assistant Secretary Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, Department of State) Janice Ayala (Assistant Director, Office of Investigations Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security) Kevin Perkins (Assistant Director, Criminal Investigative Division, Federal Bureau of Investigation) and Anthony Placido (Assistant Administrator and Chief of Intelligence, Drug Enforcement Administration). The second panel consisted of Leonard Miranda (Captain Chula Vista Police Department, Coordinator of the San Diego Regional Cross Border Violence Project) and Don Reay (Texas Border Sheriffs Coalition).

Opening Remarks
Sen. Feinstein gave an opening statement affirming that the increase of drug trafficking related violence in Mexico is mostly focused on the Mexican side of the U.S.-Mexico border. However, recent events have raised red flags on the American side. These include cross-border kidnappings and extortion of the victims' relatives in the United States in which often either the kidnapper or victim had links to drug trafficking organizations. Other incidents of concern are home invasions in Arizona, many of them involving "robbery crews that target drug stash houses to steal and resell the drugs they find inside." Sen. Feinstein referred to the efforts in intelligence cooperation between law enforcement in both countries through the Mérida Initiative, explaining "law enforcement is working to quell such incidents through intelligence sharing between local, state and federal agencies and through support of Mexico's campaign against drug cartels --the Mérida Initiative."

Although projects like Gunnrunner and Operation Stonegarden have shown real results in cartel-related arrests and in money and firearms seizures, the United States still shares a great responsibility in the fight against drug trafficking in Mexico, according to Sen. Feinstein. She continued to explain that the reduction of the demand for drugs has to be a priority, as well as stopping the transfer of illicit drug money and weapons from the United States that end up in the cartels' hands.

Senator John Cornyn (R-Texas), who recently attended a briefing in El Paso, Texas, said he was "shocked," particularly about the 23,000 people killed in Mexico since 2006 from drug-related crimes. He acknowledged that violence was not only affecting Mexicans, as the recent murders of U.S. Consulate workers show. He pointed out that the burden of the fight against drug trafficking violence in the United States falls mostly on state and local authorities, and demanded an explanation from Secretary of Defense Robert Gates on why technology, like Unmanned Aircraft Vehicles (UAV) and Joint Surveillance and Target Attack Radar System (JSTARS) are not made available to fight crime in the border.

Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison (R-Texas) reiterated that El Paso police officers told her that they do not have the technology to deal with the current issues in the border, and also wanted answers about why UAVs were not in the border, since these issues affect the security of Americans as well.

First Panel
David Johnson said there was legitimacy in the concerns of violence in Mexico expressed by senators and their implications for the United States. In his opinion, "violence in Mexico is consequence of a more insidious crime: greed". Therefore, he suggested that the focus should be on drug trafficking as the source of the violence, since the money generated from this illegal activity is used by cartels to buy weapons. He insisted violence in Mexico would not be reduced without dealing with drug trafficking. Johnson agreed with Sen. Feinstein about the United States' shared responsibility for this problem because its demand for drugs fuels drug trafficking in Mexico. He seemed optimistic about the success of the current efforts and compared them to a cancer that will be beaten, but that has to go through chemotherapy first.

Following this remarks, Kevin Perkins explained how the FBI continues to work with all levels of law enforcement to fight these crimes. In particular, he referred to the efforts to fight corruption with a border corruption task force and intelligence and information sharing. The FBI, he added, also fights other financial sources for gangs and cartels, such as kidnapping.

Janice Ayala of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) noted that their presence in Mexico is the largest outside of the United States, which has led to a great success in increasing drug seizures. Operation Firewall is an example of that, achieving more than 4,000 seizures and 600 arrests since 2005. Ayala called attention to the alarming fact that 28 gangs in Mexico are classified as "extremely violent."

Anthony Placido of the DEA discussed how drug trafficking was recognized as a threat early in President Calderón's term, and recognized his willingness to deal with these problems through the Mérida Initiative. Moreover, he praised Calderón's project "We are all Juárez" created to encourage financial alternatives to drug trafficking in the violent border-town Ciudad Juárez. The DEA, according to Placido, supports Mexico's judicial reforms and law enforcement and correctional officers training. He admits there is no single answer to ending violence in the region and that it could increase before it ends.

Q&A period
Sen. Feinstein's first questions for the panel were forceful: "What can we do now?" and "What do you need to end this?" However, the only explicit request came from Perkins, specifying that San Diego had requested agents to deal with kidnappings. Sen. Feinstein said she could look into the possibility of finding financial support for the squads in the region to fight kidnapping.

Sen. Cornyn then asked the panel to rate, from 1 to 10, if the drug related crimes on the United States' side of the border were being ordered by Mexican mafia leaders held in U.S. prisons. Again, Perkins was the only to respond, giving a rating of "from 7 to 8." He also noted that California had imposed cell phone restrictions in its prison to reduce that.

Perkins insisted that it is impossible to deal with drug trafficking if we do not deal with the profits, which is the motivation behind it. However, he complained about the lack of information sharing by ICE, who investigates the financial components of all crimes, which makes it hard to deal with the profits of drug trafficking. Ayala denied this and claimed the information is available.

Sen. Cornyn indicated that generalized violence is not cause for granting asylum in the United States, and wondered about the number of Mexicans in the United States who have crossed the border because of violence or are seeking asylum. None of the panelists had numbers or detailed information about that.

Next, the Senator asked about what experiences in Colombia could serve as lessons in this situation. The panel told him that part of the success in Colombia has been the rigorous background checks it conducts on all of its officers, similar to the process in the United States. Nevertheless, the panel said that intelligence cooperation has been the main lesson learned from Colombia, and there is hope that the use of judicialized wire intercepts is institutionalized in Mexico. Placido said he sees the same leadership in Calderón as in Uribe, and there has been a change in Mexico's way to deal with these problems. Mexico wants a new kind of officer: educated, with degrees and trained with the help of the United States.

Sen. Feinstein pointed out that, according to San Diego police, only 20 to 25% of vessels carrying drugs in through the Pacific are intercepted. The explanation, as the witnesses told her, is that as it continued to get harder to traffic drugs across the border, alternate means had to be found and therefore there has been an increase in maritime transport and tunnels. Sen. Feinstein also showed concern about penetration of the "Aztecas" gang in the United States and the suspected connection it had with the recent killing of the El Paso correctional officer. This could not be confirmed by the panelists.

Senator Cornyn expressed concern about these criminal organizations having access to bomb making materials and possible links to terrorism groups. Ayala confirmed that in 2006-2006 there was a seizure of explosive materials that was heading south towards the border.

Second Panel
Don Reay focused on the success of the Texas Border Sheriffs Coalition, that has been referred to as the "Texas Star" or "Texas Model." The Coalition focuses on patrol activities and has achieved a synergy between local, state and county authorities. For Reay, sheriffs are good indicators of how the citizens are feeling when it comes to security, because they answer to their constituents. He then called attention to the opportunists who are not related to drug cartels, but are taking advantage of the chaos to commit crimes.

Reay then explained that the border sheriffs took a stand against Mérida Initiative because the institutionalization of corruption in Mexico would prevent the money allocated from being used as planned, and because it did not provide any money to the United States for these same issues.

Leonard Miranda spoke about the increase, since 2006, of victims in Chula Vista of crimes in Mexico, which means that relatives are targeted in Mexico and their families in Chula Vista are extorted. In this city, Miranda asserts the merging of task forces on drug trafficking, kidnapping and gang activity has been successful. In his opinion, highly visible presence of law enforcement is important to reduce crimes, but the investigatory component is even more so. According to Miranda, the Chula Vista region has not had grant funding for the HIDTA (High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area) office, an effort to fight drug trafficking coordinately between local, state and federal law enforcement agencies in critical regions of the U.S., for over ten years. He made a specific request for funding which Sen. Feinstein said she would look into.

Sen. Conryn accused the Federal Government of not complying with its responsibility of doing its job with border security, so the question is how to fill the gap. Reay agreed with Sen. Conryn allegation, but explained that once someone has entered the country and they commit a crime, it becomes responsibility of local law enforcement. Therefore, intelligence sharing is crucial. However, Senator Feinstein disagreed with Conryn, saying that the Federal Government has stepped up, but a closer liaison between local and federal law enforcement is needed.

By the end of this month, Guatemalan President Álvaro Colom must choose a new Attorney General. Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT), chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs and chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, made a brief statement to the Senate about the significance President Colom's decision will have for human rights and justice in Guatemala. "This may be among the most important decisions he makes this year, at a time when drug trafficking and other organized crimes, assassinations of human rights defenders, and other social and political activists, corruption, and impunity threaten the foundation of Guatemala's fragile democracy," Leahy told the Senate.

However, the sentences that stand out the most in Senator Leahy's comments were the following: "We are ready and willing to support an Attorney General who demonstrates the necessary professional qualifications and commitment. But absent those qualifications and commitment, as chairman of the State and Foreign Operations Subcommittee, I would find it difficult to justify spending more resources on a fruitless quest for justice reform in Guatemala."

For Fiscal Year 2010, Congress appropriated over $60 million to Guatemala for both military & police and economic & social aid. This amount provides support for various initiatives, including counternarcotics, drug demand reduction, gang violence, climate change, environmental protection, and justice reform, to name a few. $4 million of that amount also is set aside for a donation to the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), an international body set up by the United Nations in 2006 and charged with investigating and prosecuting serious crimes in Guatemala in light of concerns about corruption in Guatemala's police and justice system.

After interviewing almost 30 candidates for the Attorney General position, the nominating committee released the list of six finalists on Monday, of which President Colom must pick the next Attorney General. The current Attorney General, Amílcar Velásquez Zárate, was seeking reelection for another four year term. However, he was not included in the final list. The candidates who made the cut are:

• Byron Renato Durán (ex-attorney general)
• Édgar Lemus Orellana (lawyer)
• María Eugenia Morales de Sierra (ex-constituent)
• Julio César Rivera Clavería (ex-attorney general)
• Leopoldo Liu González (ex-attorney general for money laundering)
• Conrado Arnulfo Reyes Sagastume (lawyer)

According to the Prensa Latina, "five of those included on the list received in some way strong objections from various civil society organizations." Both the Pro Justice Movement (MPJ) and the CICIG agreed that many of the candidates "are not qualified to lead the institution responsible for the prosecution of crime due to pending lawsuits or irregularities in their professional performance," according to El Financiero.

Here is the full text of Senator Leahy's statement before the Senate.

Later this month, President Colom will select Guatemala's next Attorney General from a slate of six candidates. This may be among the most important decisions he makes this year, at a time when drug trafficking and other organized crimes, assassinations of human rights defenders, and other social and political activists, corruption, and impunity threaten the foundation of Guatemala's fragile democracy.

In the 3 three months of this year alone, at least five Guatemalan human rights defenders, social activists, and trade unionists have been murdered, including two members of the Resistance Front for the Defense of Natural Resources--its president, Evelinda Ram??rez Reyes, and Octavio Roblero. Also killed were Juan Antonio Chea, a Mayan indigenous lawyer who worked with the Human Rights Office of the Archbishop and the National Reparations Program; Pedro Antonio Garcia of the Malacatan Municipal Workers Union; and Germ?°n Antonio Curup, a member of a group opposed to the construction of a cement plant in San Juan Sacatep?©quez. Mr. Curup was murdered in particularly brutal fashion--abducted on February 11, his body was dumped 2 days later, throat cut and showing signs of torture. This type of brutality is not unusual in Guatemala, nor is it unusual that no one has been arrested or punished for those crimes.

The 1996 Peace Accords were a historic milestone, ending three decades of civil war when government security forces and associated death squads and civil patrols targeted anyone who was considered subversive. Tens of thousands of rural Mayan villagers, students, lawyers, journalists, and other social and political activists were arbitrarily arrested, tortured, and killed. The URNG rebels were also guilty of atrocities. Almost no one has been punished for those crimes.

While the Peace Accords spelled out commitments by the government and goals for the country's future political, economic, and social development, progress has been disappointing. Implementation of many elements of the accords has been repeatedly delayed, and widespread debilitating poverty, impunity, and women's and indigenous peoples' rights remain urgent concerns. These are among the key issues the Peace Accords were designed to address, which were at the root of the conflict.

In the meantime, in the absence of a credible or effective justice system, corruption has flourished and violent crime has skyrocketed. There has also been a steady emigration of poor Guatemalans seeking jobs in the United States.

Effectively confronting these problems requires political will, which has too often been lacking in Guatemala. Secretary Clinton expressed the willingness of the United States to stand with the Guatemalan people during her visit there on March 5, and I hope the Guatemalan Government will seize this opportunity to develop ambitious and effective strategies to confront these challenges.

There is no better place to start than by appointing an Attorney General who has the integrity, experience, courage, and determination to show that justice can be a reality for all the people of Guatemala regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, or economic status.

Investigating and prosecuting assassinations of human rights defenders, as well as some of the most notorious political crimes, should be a priority. The United States is helping through our donations to the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala, CICIG. The CICIG is doing an important job and should continue, but it is no substitute for an effective Ministry of Justice. We are ready and willing to support an Attorney General who demonstrates the necessary professional qualifications and commitment. But absent those qualifications and commitment, as chairman of the State and Foreign Operations Subcommittee, I would find it difficult to justify spending more resources on a fruitless quest for justice reform in Guatemala.

A related imperative is reforming Guatemala's police forces, which are undertrained, underpaid, underequipped, and infected with corruption. President Colom deserves great credit for appointing Helen Mack, a widely respected human rights defender, to develop a plan for police reform, and I look forward to her recommendations. An Attorney General whose integrity matches that of Helen Mack's would be a welcome step.

Guatemala has a troubled history and is facing immense challenges, both internally and along its borders, as it is rapidly becoming a favorite haven for Latin criminal organizations. Yet as the land of one of the most accomplished pre-Colombian civilizations in this hemisphere whose indigenous descendants enrich present-day Guatemala in countless ways, spectacular tropical forests and towering volcanoes, it is also a country with great potential. The United States is prepared to help tackle these challenges if Guatemalan Government officials in key positions merit our support. I urge President Colom to use the opportunity of selecting Guatemala's next Attorney General to send that message clearly.

On March 25th, Rep. Hank Johnson (D-GA) and 22 other representatives introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives (H. Res. 1224) calling on the Government of Colombia to address the needs and rights of the country's large population of internally displaced people.

The Washington Office on Latin America issued a press release urging support for H.Res. 1224, which explains:

In 2004, the Colombian Constitutional Court declared a State of Unconstitutional Affairs and ordered the Colombian government to address the needs and rights of the displaced population. Despite the Constitutional Court's demands, Colombia's displacement crisis continues and the Colombian government has yet to implement these orders. The resolution led by Representative Hank Johnson (GA) and 22 other co-sponsors calls on the Government of Colombia to fully implement the Constitutional Court's orders.

As the House resolution notes, Colombia's IDP population is one of the largest in the world, with approximately 4 million already displaced, and the population is still increasing. In 2008 alone, an estimated 380,000 people became newly displaced, and the Resolution adds that "Colombia's internal armed conflict, drug trafficking, aerial fumigation efforts, and the illegal and violent expropriation of territories titled to Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities continue to cause displacement."

In addition to implementing the Constitutional Court's orders, the Resolution would

1) Recognize the work Colombia's Constitutional Court has done on behalf of Colombia's IDP population;
2) Urge the U.S. Government to work with the Government of Colombia to ensure that the Constitutional Court's orders are implemented; and
3) Affirm that Colombia's human rights record will be relevant in Congress' deliberations on U.S.-Colombian relations.

If you want to know what you can do to support H. Res. 1224, check out the Latin America Working Group's action alert.

Senators John Kerry (D-MA) and Robert Menendez (D-NJ) recently introduced legislation (S. 3172) in the Senate intended to direct a more focused approach to regional counternarcotics programs.

The "Counternarcotics and Citizen Security for the Americas Act of 2010" (S.3172) differs widely from H.R.2134, the "Western Hemisphere Drug Policy Commission Act of 2009," which was passed by the House of Representatives in December 2009 and now awaits passage in the Senate. While H.R. 2134 aims to establish an independent commission to evaluate U.S. counternarcotics and demand reduction policies, S.3172 attempts to create a multi-year, "comprehensive and coordinated" strategy for the existing U.S. counternarcotics programs in South America, Central America, Mexico and the Caribbean "to thwart the 'balloon effect.'" (The "balloon effect" is a term referring to what happens when one squeezes a half deflated balloon - in this instance, referring to the phenomenon in which successful counternarcotics efforts in one area leads to increased narco-related activities in other areas.)

The bill attempts to reflect "a more nuanced approach to counternarcotics efforts in the region," which would focus on programs aimed at:

• Strengthening civilian institutions;
• Decreasing military involvement in law enforcement;
• Increasing the effectiveness of local, regional, and federal law enforcement institutions;
• Improving the judicial system and the rule of law; and
• Promoting viable and licit alternatives to the drug trade.

These new goals are closely in line with the "new phase" of the Mérida Initiative, which was officially announced last week by the State Department and the Government of Mexico.

The new legislation mandates an "Inter-American Counternarcotics Strategy Report," which would describe, for example:

• A detailed multi-year strategy for the region;
• "The integration of diplomatic, criminal justice, civil society and economic development, demand reduction, military, and other assistance to achieve regional counternarcotics goals;"
• A set of regional and country-specific metrics and monitoring protocols; and
• Government efforts to investigate and prosecute allegations of human rights abuses committed by security agencies.

The legislation also attempts to address the problem of coordination between all U.S. government agencies involved in the counternarcotics programs. According to Sen. Menendez's press release, "program effectiveness can be limited due to fragmented management, unclear reporting chains, and duplicative and overlapping agenda." As a result, S. 3172 places authority in the hands of the Secretary of State. The text (PDF) of the legislation reads: "No United States Government international counternarcotics or anti-crime foreign assistance-related activity may be implemented unless it has been approved by the Secretary of State, under the direction of the President."

Finally, this 28-page piece of legislation limits the use of U.S. contractors in a recipient country, modifies reporting and monitoring requirements of the health and environmental impacts of herbicide use in aerial eradication programs, and encourages the input and participation of local government and civil society in developing and carrying out the funded programs.

The text of the legislation has not been added to the Library of Congress' Thomas.gov website, however it can be downloaded as a PDF here.

Abigail and Adam discuss Secretary of State Clinton's visit to Mexico, rethinking the Mérida Initiative, Southcom testimony in Congress, and allegations of Venezuelan ties to Colombia's FARC.

The "Just the Facts" podcast is available here and on iTunes. Thank you for listening.

Download

On March 10th, the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere held a hearing on "U.S. Policy Toward the Americas in 2010 and Beyond."

Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela testified before the House committee in the first panel and provided a look into the focus of U.S. policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean in the coming year. The hearing came on the heels of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's six-nation trip to Latin America, to which Assistant Secretary Valenzuela referred multiple times during his testimony.

In his written testimony, Assistant Secretary Valenzuela that the United States' partnership with the region will be focused on

three priorities critical to people in every country of this region: promoting social and economic opportunity for everyone; ensuring the safety of all of our citizens; and strengthening effective institutions of democratic governance, respect for human rights, and accountability.

However, the topics that received the most attention during the question and answer portion of the hearing were Venezuela's links to the FARC, Iran's influence in the region, the future of the Organization of American States (OAS), and the decline in U.S. assistance to Colombia and Mexico.

Below are excerpts from the first panel's Q&A portion. The webcast of the hearing is available here.

U.S. assistance to the region

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "We need to make very, very clear, and I want to make this a very important point in my testimony. I want to make very, very clear that when we go at work with other countries to assist them, we also expect to have co-responsibility.

This means that they also need to reform some of their institutions. It means, for example, in the case of Central America it has to be willing to tax their own societies more than they have. In the case of Guatemala, for example, with less than 12% of GDP is represented by taxes. That simply is not sustainable in terms of the infrastructure and development kinds of investments that Guatemala has to do.

So yes, let's coordinate better with our partners, but let's also have better partnerships in the countries that we're working with."

Venezuela and the FARC

Exchange between Rep. Mack and Assistant Secretary Valenzuela

Rep. Connie Mack (R-FL): "I want to touch on Venezuela really quick. Do you agree that the FARC is a terrorist organization?"

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "The FARC is a terrorist organization."

Rep. Mack: "And do you believe that Venezuela and Hugo Chávez have assisted, or in any way worked with, the FARC or supported the FARC?"

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "There is some indication that there has been some assistance.... And we are concerned about the FARC and the various kinds of support they have been getting from different kinds of organizations. And we can talk about that, though I prefer to talk about that in closed session rather than in an open session. But it is something that we are very concerned about, extremely concerned about. And you know there has been news where the FARC has been linked to other organizations."

Iran

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "We're certainly concerned about Iran's intents in Latin America. We are very concerned about the fact that Iran may be trying to establish networks in Latin America."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "For the record, we are extremely concerned about Iran's intents in Latin America. Its attempt is not commercial, like perhaps China's is. I think it is openly political and its reaching out to countries like Venezuela or Ecuador are of significant concern for us and we are tracking it as closely as we can. It is something we take very seriously."

Exchange between Rep. Eliot Engel (D-NY) and Assistant Secretary Assistant Secretary Valenzuela

Rep. Engel: "I want to mention Iran, ... , and its clear to all of us that Hugo Chávez is facilitating Iranian influence in this hemisphere. But I must say, I was very disappointed recently when President Ahmadinejad of Iran came to South America. I would expect him to speak in Venezuela and Bolivia, I was very disappointed that he was welcomed with open arms by President Lula in Brazil.... He welcomed Ahmadinejad with open arms after the disputed election that was stolen. I know that Brazil wants to be a player on the world scene and maybe get a permanent seat on the Security Council, but this is a heck of a way to do it."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "Iran is a very, very serious problem. In my earlier testimony I underscored how serious we see their influence in the region. Let me say this was, of course, a major item on the agenda of the Secretary's trip. She raised this issue with both President Fernández de Kirchner, ... the United States' kind of gratitude and pleasure that they agree with us on this ... and at the same time very forcefully in Brasilia to Foreign Minister Amorim and President Lula.... We agree on this."

Honduras

Exchange between Rep. Mack and Assistant Secretary Valenzuela

Rep. Mack: "... Someone could get the impression that on the one hand, you have a country like Honduras who stood up to the rule of law ... and, on the one hand, if we respond to the situation in Honduras as a coup, ... and then look like we are supporting the actions of lets say Bolivia or Cuba - it sends a mixed message.

Honduras did everything by their constitution, and for anyone to call it a coup, it's irresponsible and misguided."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "I'll agree with you 95% on this....

The 5% disagreement, Congressman, I'm afraid that what happened in Honduras, in my estimation and in our estimation, and we voted in the OAS and I think it was the unanimous opinion of all countries really in the world - I can't think of a country that did not judge the expulsion by force of President Manuel Zelaya as an interruption of the constitutional order. Why? For a very simple reason, because he was not given the most elementary due process of law."

Rep. Mack: "Then I suggest then Honduras and the government of Honduras is the most courageous on the planet, because they stood up against ... all, or most, and said that the rule of law, our constitution, our freedom and democracy is more important than the pressure that is going to come from the United States or other countries....

You would have thought that the Honduran people and the government would have been very angry, but instead they were in disbelief. They couldn't believe that their friend and their ally in the United States - when we always trumpet ... the quality of public institutions and the rule of law. That here you have a country that did nothing but defend its constitution and honor its constitution and the rule of law, then we turn around and call it a coup.... It was the government institutions that did the right thing to remove Zelaya and the military never took over in that country...."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "What I want to do is agree with you. What I want to agree with you is moving forward. ... It is time for Honduras to be brought back into the international community."

Rep. Mack: "Part of looking forward is looking at the past and have a clear picture of the past."

Free Trade Agreements

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "... The free trade agreements with Panama and Colombia - yes - we are supportive of that. Both Panama and Colombia have done what they needed to do in order to get these, in my estimation. It is the matter of the President. Of course, in the State of the Union said he wanted to have these done. We stand to work with the USTR and also with members of Congress ... But this is something that I think we really ought to do."

Colombia

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "... We've continued to work with the Colombian authorities over the years to help them face these extraordinary challenges, which in some ways are also partly our responsibility too because of the fact that so much of the cocaine produced in Colombia does wind up in the United States. We continue to be committed to working with Colombia... If there is a decline in some of the assistance to Colombia, it is not because we ... are not concerned, or because we are walking away from our partnership in Colombia... If there is a decline in our assistance ... it is precisely because our efforts with Colombia have been successful and because we have been able to move to a separate level in terms of our concerns and our assistance in Colombia...

The security situation is so much better in Colombia now. This is the chance for us to to move away from some of the investment on the security side to investments in other areas that ... both the Colombian government and the United States agree are very important. And that has to do with sustainable development, it has to do with addressing some of the economic problems, it has to do with alternative development. Alternative development efforts are very important.... These may not be as expensive. But we are committed, ... - even with a lower budget - because we are spending it in different areas, that we will be effective moving forward in our assistance and our work in Colombia."

China's influence in the region

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "Much of the work that China is doing in Latin America, unlike the reference I made earlier to Iran or perhaps some of the efforts that Russia may have - those are driven more by a perhaps political calculation - China is driven more by economic calculation."

U.S.-Bolivia bilateral talks

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "On Bolivia, I should confess it is slow. We continue to try to work with them on this framework agreement.... It is slow in coming.... It hasn't been easy to engage, and of course we are concerned about their lack of cooperation, for example on such an important issues as counternarcotics cooperation.... But we are continuing to work on it."

Mexico

Rep. Engel: "As you know, I have a bill, which has passed the House, which would set up a commission to look at drug policy in the region, in the Western Hemisphere. And I have long believed we must address the consumption side, as well as the supply side.... I've been a very strong supporter of Merida, but I noticed that in the proposed budget Mérida funds have been cut. Could you talk ... about Mexico and what our progress has been there? "

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "Mexico is of the highest priority, there is no question about it. If you pushed me on where I would put things, I would put it very much at the top. This is a fundamental interest to the United States ... there is no question about that. And Mexico is taking on some significant challenges....

Reduction in some of the expenditures for Mérida, ... , means ... now we can recalibrate some of the assistance. The earlier assistance went to some of the really expensive items that you have to use, expensive equipment, for combatting the drug trafficking directly.... Now we are actually putting funding in some of the areas that are equally important.... That would include working very closely with what the Mexican government has determined to be its fundamental priority in this... What is needed is the strengthening the institutions of the state, particularly local government and law enforcement operations...."

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "The violence that you are referring to in some ways is sometimes the inevitable result of the some of the success. Because as you bring down certain kinds of criminal organizations, you encourage a certain degree of conflict between them. But we are there for the long haul, because this is such a fundamental interest of the United States, to make sure to get this right."

OAS

Rep. Engel: "There was a recent summit in Cancun. Heads of state in Latin America and the Caribbean agreed to form a new organization ... that includes every country in the hemisphere with the exception of the United States and Canada. ... What does the exclusion of the U.S. and Canada from this new organization say about the current state of hemispheric affairs and are you concerned that [this organization] will replace the OAS?"

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "... In principle it is not a problem for the United States if these countries set up mechanisms in order to dialogue with one another, to create better understanding, to perhaps build mutual confidence..., or opening markets and that kind of thing, we encourage that, we are open to that.

The question that I raise is will this be an effective organization? ... It certainly would not replace the Organization of American States, and it is our assumption, except for maybe one or two voices out there that have said something like that, that all of the countries in the Western Hemisphere are committed to the Organization of American States as their fundamental regional institution.... I see a strong commitment and this was reiterated on this trip that we took to Central America, where we met with all the presidents, to not only value the Organization of American States, but to look for ways to actually strengthen the Organization of American States."

Rep. Mack: "There might be one thing that myself and Hugo Chávez agree on, and that is that the OAS is ineffective. And the OAS has been a deterrent to freedom, security, and prosperity in Latin America. And I think that one of the things that the United States must do is also lead in the hemisphere on principle. And when you have an organization like the OAS, who the leadership of the OAS conducts themselves in a way that seems to be more supportive of governments and ideas that are in the process of destroying democracy, I don't know how we can align ourselves with that kind of leadership...."

Caribbean

Assistant Secretary Valenzuela: "On the Caribbean, I reiterate how much this is going to be a priority of this administration. The Secretary is very committed to that. ... There is a special bond that is there that we need to, as we look forward, cultivate more...."

Every year, the commander of U.S. Southern Command presents a "Posture Statement" (PDF) to the House and Senate Armed Services Committees explaining how the regional unified command views threats in the region and how it plans to address them. On March 11th, General Douglas Fraser, Commander of U.S. Southern Command, presented his first annual Posture Statement to the Senate Armed Services Committee. He did the same in the House on Thursday.

General Fraser's written testimony included a lengthy section about Southcom's relief efforts in Haiti. The topic was not a point of focus during the question and answer periods of the House and Senate hearings. Instead, Iran's and Hezbollah's influence in the region, violence in Mexico, and the Venezuelan government's alleged links to the FARC came up repeatedly during both hearings.

Here are some excerpts from the Q&A portions of both the Senate and House of Representatives hearings. Testifying alongside General Fraser was General Victor Renuart, commander of U.S. Northern Command, who answered many of the questions on Mexico.

The webcasts of both hearings are available online: Senate | House

Venezuela:

Senate hearing:

Exchange between Senator John McCain (R-AZ) and General Fraser:

Senator McCain: "How do you assess the threat of the cooperation between Iran and Venezuela.... As you know last week Spain's High Court said the Venezuelan government facilitated contacts between the FARC and ETA to plan the assassination of Colombian officials visiting Spain, including President Uribe. Do you have any information on that? And other activities on the part of the Venezuelan government?"

General Fraser: "I do not have any direct information on that. We have continued to watch very closely for any connections between illicit and terrorist organization activity within the region. We have not seen any connections specifically that I can verify that there has been direct government to terrorist connection. We are concerned about it. I'm skeptical. I continue to watch for it."

Senator McCain: "You have seen evidence of relationship between the FARC and the Venezuelan government. That's been published many times."

General Fraser: "I know that there is evidence of FARC (McCain interrupts: "I mean they got the hard drives when they raided the FARC camp..."). There has been some old evidence, but I don't see that evidence and I can't tell you specifically whether that continues or not."

Exchange between Senator George LeMieux (R-FL) and General Fraser:

Senator LeMieux: "Do you consider Venezuela to be the biggest destabilizing factor in region in terms of our national security interests?"

General Fraser: "I wouldn't take it as far as the biggest destabilizing factor. They are continuing the pursuit of reducing U.S. influence in the region, and they are working with various countries and entities to try to enable that."

House hearing:

Chairman Ike Skelton (D-MO) "To your knowledge is helping assistance from Venezuela coming to the FARC in Colombia? There is a group known as FARC in Colombia, are they receiving help and assistance from anyone in or out of the government in Venezuela?"

General Fraser: "We do see a long-term relationship that exists between the government of Venezuela and the FARC. That has been evidenced if we go back and look at the computer records that came out of ... the capture of that computer. That continues on. There is safe haven, there is financial logistics support, there is safe haven for the FARC provided and ... all the evidence that I have says that continues. The evidence that I have doesn't explicitly say that it is continuing, but I can't say it is explicitly not continuing... So, based on evidence up to date I would say that support still continues."

General Fraser: Venezuela "continues to have a very anti-U.S. stance and looks to try and restrict U.S. activity wherever they have the opportunity to do that. They are continuing to engage with the region, if you will, and continuing to pursue their Bolivarian socialist agenda. That continues to be a concern and they remain a destabilizing force in the region."

Iran & Hezbollah:

Senate hearing:

Senator LeMieux: "What's your focus... and the plan going forward to combat this narco-drug trafficking and do you have any concerns that with the projection of influence of Iran in the region, the idea that we know Hezbollah and Hamas have set up shop in the region, that there could be a combination between those groups and the narcotraffickers?"

General Fraser: "From a destabilizing standpoint the biggest concern I have in the region is illicit trafficking. I think it is growing as a regional issue ... and spreading to other parts of the region. Brazil is now the second largest cocaine user in the world. It is the criminal element of that, the illicit trafficking that really is my biggest concern... We are looking at illicit trafficking as a regional enterprise, not just what is effecting each individual country ... to try to understand that enterprise as a regional enterprise ... and to see if we can start squeezing that balloon effectively down."

House hearing:

Q: Is there any evidence ... that say Hezbollah has been engaged in the drug trafficking business to raise money for some of its operations in the Middle East?... Are there any reports to that effect?

General Fraser: "There have been some reports within the southern command region ... of Hezbollah starting to get engaged with illegal trafficking area, so I have that indication. It is primarily right now a focus on logistics support, financial support to their parent organizations in the Mid East."

Q: Iran being involved in Nicaragua? Building a mosque..., but sponsored by Iranian government?

General Fraser: "Iran has been engaging on a political and commercial level throughout much of Latin America. Over the last 3 to 4 years they have increased embassies from 7 to 11, going to another one this year. They have engaged very directly with Venezuela. They are also engaging consistently with Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, ... and also with now Brazil. So they are actually working across the region to engage in both a political and commercial endeavor. Our concerns are just watching to understand what those relationships are and . I don't see any evidence that they are beyond that right now. But we are very skeptical and watching that closely."

Mexico

Senate hearing:

Senator McCain: "Could you describe to me, ... in terms the American people can understand, just how dangerous is our situation on our southern border vis a vis drug cartels...and the possibility that that violence can spill over the border?"

General Renuart: "President Calderón has courageously put his military in the field to take this on where local law enforcement officials have been corrupted or intimidated.... That is not the traditional role of the Mexican military and it does put some strain on them.... As you know, the violence in places like Juárez has been substantial. I think we are close to 7,000 murders that occurred 2009....I must say, drug related murders generally were cartel on cartel, but as you know that spills over into the general public."

"I know we have had people involved who we have trained in the past and were corrupted.... I'm cautious when we talk about level of threat to the Mexican government. I think Calderón is strong and he enjoys support, ... and he is growing an interagency team that can tackle this."

Senator McCain asked General Renuart to provide for the record recommendations for what more we need to do for, including the success and failures of, the Mérida Initiative. General Renuart replied, there will be a "good news story" on law enforcement cooperation along the border."

General Renaurt: "Mérida shouldn't just be a one or two year event, but should be a cooperation over time."

House hearing:

General Renault: "One of my concerns is that Mérida was a term limited set of money... We need to expand that beyond the term limits. We request the help of Congress as we move forward... Whatever the 'son of Merida' may be, this is really an 8 to 10 year problem."

Colombia

Senate hearing

Senator Carl Levin (D-MI): Uribe is not running for a 3rd term. "Has there been a fallout from that? Is there enough time to have an appropriate election...?"

General Fraser: "There is adequate time and a number of candidates are actively running, so I am confident Colombia will be able to run a fair and equitable election."

House hearing:

General Fraser: "Our relations with Colombia are very good and they continue to grow on a continual basis. There has been over the last eight years, since 2002, roughly $5 billion of United States money invested in the fight to help support Colombia in their fight against the FARC as well as illicit trafficking.... Overall, I see our relations with Colombia as strong and I see them continuing to grow."

Cuba

Senate Hearing:

Senator McCain: "Is there any doubt that Raul Castro and Fidel Castro have been more oppressive in past year or two than they have in the past?"

General Fraser: They "I think they have continued to remain fairly strict on the populous, but I cannot quantify whether that has been more constrictive than in the past few years."

(Senator McCain proceeds to advise General Fraser to read the recent reports and testimony from various human rights organizations).